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GHQ's Press Code and Japan: Then and Now
September 1, 2024 | By Jason Morgan
The United States advertises itself as the "land of the free." When it fights wars, it boasts of bringing to others the freedom its citizens enjoy. But does this hold true in reality? When the United States fought the Empire of Japan in the middle of the twentieth century, Washington brought, not freedom to an unfree country, but unfreedom to the free. It accomplished this, in part, through the censorship regime which Washington imposed on Japan in the postwar (Yamamoto Taketoshi 2013). One aspect of this censorship regime was the press code.
Intellectual and author Eto Jun declared Japan under the control of GHQ occupation to be a "closed-off discursive space." (Eto 1994) The hatch closing off Japan discursively, and by extension epistemologically, was the September 19, 1945 directive, "SCAPIN-33 Press Code for Japan." (One of the main objectives of the Americans in imposing the press code was to conceal their own war crimes. (Kawasaki Kenko 2006, 38-40)) The press code banned discussion, in print or other media, of thirty topics. There was to be no criticism of the victors in the Greater East Asia War, no mention of the term "Greater East Asia War" (the term "Pacific War," although historically inaccurate, is used even today instead), no mention of the black market in occupied Japan, no mention of rapes by American GIs of Japanese women, and no criticism of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Thus was born Washington's censorship regime in Japan (Hirai Kazuko 2023, Monica Braw 1991). [Editor's note: It is more than likely with documented evidence Hiroshima and Nagasaki were fire bombed.]
Washington's press code was urgent business, for Washington had many sins it needed to conceal, many crimes for which it desired to blame the Japanese. Many brave truth-tellers in Japan fought back. One such soul is Ishikawa Koyo, a photographer who documented the firebombing of Tokyo on March 9 and 10, 1945. GHQ tried to confiscate the negatives of the photos Ishikawa took, but Ishikawa refused. GHQ eventually relented, only forbidding Ishikawa to display his photos in public (Ishikawa 1974, 17-21, Richard Sams and Saotome Katsumoto 2015, Mark Clapson 2019, 219-221). But Ishikawa’s bravery seems lost in the onslaught of disinformation. The War Guilt Information Program (WGIP) was a psy-op designed to convince both Japanese and Americans alike (for both knew the truth equally well, and Americans probably needed more convincing of that truth’s opposite than did Japanese) that the war in Asia had been entirely the fault of Japan (Aoyagi Takehiko 2017, Takahashi Shiro 2019, Sekino Michio 2015). Americans were also directly subject to GHQ suppression. Helen Mears, for instance, an insightful critic of Occupation policy and Washington behavior, found publication of her book on the Occupation, Mirror for Americans: Japan, temporarily forbidden anywhere outside the United States (Kevin Y. Kim 2019, 145).
GHQ suppression of information in postwar Japan was variously aimed. It was also a bilateral effort. Monitoring and censoring the vast output of Japan’s media industry required the help of many Japanese collaborators, who read drafts of books, newspaper articles, magazine articles, and other materials, and then made recommendations as to whether materials required translation into English for more careful consideration by Occupation censors (Natsume Takeko 1995, 73-75, 2012, 46-47). Over time, the censorship regime expanded to include letters and other postal matter, too. None of this would have been possible without the cooperation of Japanese willing to spy for an erstwhile enemy on their own countrymen (Natsume Takeko 1997, 66-67, Hirayama Shukichi 2021, Yamamoto Taketoshi 2014, 2021).
The GHQ press code upended power structures in society at large and in the media more specifically (Nishimura Kohyu 2017, 151-154). The effects of this warping of postwar Japan continue today (Nishimura Kohyu 2017, 116-119, Hisaoka Kenji 2020, 108-110, Koyama Tsunemi et al. 2016). The first postwar director of the official broadcasting network in Japan, NHK, was Takano Iwasaburo, who got his job from GHQ as a reward for collaborating with the Americans. Postwar radio in Japan was also under the control of GHQ censors (Takeshi Tanikawa 2021, 82-85, Omori Junro 2021). Due in part to this widespread and ongoing interference by American occupiers, prominent researcher and historian Arima Tetsuo, who has written extensively about postwar censorship, argues that "the distortion [one finds in] NHK historical programs is structural." (Arima 2017, 134, Nishimura Kohyu 2017, 119-123, Nishimura Kohyu 2014) This is hardly an overstatement. Shoriki Matsutaro, the head of broadcasting giant Nippon Television and also of the Yomiuri Shimbun national daily newspaper, was a CIA operative who worked to mold public opinion in Washington's favor during the postwar. (Even today, the Yomiuri is curiously pro-Washington.) Censorship and information distortion did not stop at the boundaries of the media. The Science Council of Japan, which keeps highbrow discourse reliably pacifist, left-wing, and ineffectual, and thereby keeps Japan irretrievably under Washington's control, was established in 1949 by GHQ (Edo Naito 2021). Under such banners as Operation Mockingbird, the CIA worked worldwide to propagandize and censor populations everywhere it could reach, and Japan was no exception (Frances Stonor Saunders 1999, Alfred W. McCoy 2017, 54, William F. Jasper 2017, Christopher Coyne and Abigail R. Hall 2023, 615-617).
(It should be noted that the CIA does not have a monopoly on information war in postwar Japan. Sejima Ryuzo, a former Japanese military man held prisoner by the Soviets in Siberia from the end of the war, was an advisor to Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro and, some allege, a multi-talented, multi-employed spy (Sassa Atsuyuki 2013, 96-112).)
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