Disambiguation:
MI-3 = Supply-chain protection racket operated with Livery Company Forfeiture, Privy Purse patent pool Marcy (Forfeiture Fund – KPMG Small Business Auction – Liquidation – Prisoner Medical Services – JABS)
+ Inkster (Queen’s Privy Purse – KPMG tax shelter – RCMP Wandering Persons Registry – Escrow fraud)
+ Interpol (Berlin 1942-1945 – Operation Paperclip into Foreign Fugitive File – William Higgitt - Entrust)
+ Intrepid (William Stephenson – GAPAN patent pool – MitM Pearl Harbor attack – Kanada Kommando)
MI-3 = Marine Insertion Intelligence and Investigation unit set up in 1987 to destroy above
McConnell notes that in Book 12 published at www.abeldanger.net, agents deployed by his Marine Insertion, Intelligence and Investigations (MI-3) group are mingling in various OODA modes with agents of the Marcy Inkster Interpol Intrepid (MI-3) protection racket based at Skinners’ Hall, Dowgate Hill.
See #1:
Abel Danger Mischief Makers - Mistress of the Revels - 'Man-In-The-Middle' Attacks (Revised)
Prequel 1:
#1705: Marine Links Sister’s MI-3 Insurers Keys to Guppy White Widow passports, Jarrett FCI Westgate Mall
Prequel 2:
#1703: Marine Links Obama's Sidley Unusual Collateral Key ('SUCK') to WTC Westgate Interruption Frauds by Insurers MI-3
Why Black Cat is the Best You Can Get!
Sabotage and the IWW
Lux Lisbon - Bullingdon Club
UK white Muslim convert, 7/7 bomber widow, now bombing terrorist leader in East Africa
IWW Jane Addams’ pedophile Hull House
No coincidences!
“Chinese Should Know Cameron Was a ‘Hong’ The PM’s trip to China reminds Guido that he has a little factoid that he hasn’t seen anywhere else, namely that during Dave’s 1985 gap year he worked for Jardine Matheson, before going up to Oxford. Young Cameron worked for three months in Hong Kong as a ‘ship jumper’ for Jardine Shipping Agencies. Dave was responsible for attending to ships when they called at Hong Kong. His tasks ranged from taking care of all the formalities with the customs and immigration authorities, to looking after travel and personal arrangements for crew members. Did his time in Hong Kong teach him to work hard and invest wisely – or did it encourage him to squander his salary in the bars of Wan Chai? Guido can confirm that there are many exciting diversions for a young man in Hong Kong… The political relevance of this is that Jardine Matheson is one of the original Hong Kong trading houses or “Hongs” and Jardine Matheson’s early profits were based on selling opium to the Chinese. When the Chinese emperor tried to ban the trade, the company called on Britain to intervene, leading to the 1839 Opium War.”
“For 60 Years - Black Cat is the Best You Can Get
Our heritage was founded in Canton in 1906 by Mr. Fung Pak-liu and Mr. Li To-ming, Li & Fung was one of the first companies financed solely by Chinese capital to engage directly in exporting from China. Initially it traded largely in porcelain and silk before diversifying into bamboo and rattan ware, jade, ivory, handicrafts and fireworks.
Even in the early days of China trade, Hong Kong had always been the deep water port for Southern China, as the river port of Canton was too shallow for ocean-going ships. Fung Pak-liu's second son, Fung Hon-chu, was thus sent to Hong Kong to establish the firm's first branch and to handle the shipping of its goods.
Li & Fung was formally established in Hong Kong as a limited company on 28 December 1937. During the Second World War the company had to cease trading for several years. It passed into the hands of the second generation led by Fung Hon-chu after Fung Pak-liu passed away in 1943. Shortly after the end of the War, Li To-ming, who had been a silent partner, retired and sold his shares to the Fung Family.
The history of firecrackers is deeply embedded in the Chinese psyche, in its traditions, its ceremonies and culture. Just as Europeans enjoy the pop of a champagne cork and a sip of sparkling wine to celebrate a birth, a marriage, a home-coming or a business deal, Chinese people prefer something more demonstrative than a single pop and a subdued fizz! In ancient China, people used to burn pieces of the ever present bamboo to celebrate the coming of the Lunar New Year. As they caught fire, the bamboos cracked and burst with a loud popping sound. People believed that the noise would drive away "evil spirits", thus the firing of bamboos was considered to be the best way to ensure a New Year of health, peace and prosperity.
In time, the Chinese discovered that certain mixtures of carbon, potassium nitrate and sulphur produced an even more spectacular explosive effect - a very useful commodity for hurling missiles and weapons (like arrows) in war, and, when peace came, a vast improvement on the simple burning of bamboo. But in spite of its superior volatility, the firecracker retains its ancient name of "burst bamboo" (pao chuk).
In China, "black cats" are a symbol of "luck and good fortune", this fact being the basis for Black Cat Fireworks tag line of "The Best that you can Get". The Brand was introduced in the US in the 1940's by Li & Fung, one of the largest and most respected Trading Companies in China became a Registered Trademark in 1952 and is now the oldest and most highly recognized fireworks brand in the world!”
“BIRTH OF THE IWW
The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was founded in 1905 in
Chicago. The driving force behind the new union was the Western
Federation of Miners, which had been fighting a bloody but losing
battle throughout the western US and Canada. Joining were the
WFM's parent, the American Labor Union (which included several
hundred members in B.C) the United Brotherhood of Railway
Employees, and Daniel DeLeon's Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance.
Observers were sent from the United Metal Workers (US and Canada),
the North American branch of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers
of Great Britain, the International Musicians Union, the Bakers
Union, and others.
Keynote speeches were delivered by Big Bill Haywood of the WFM,
Eugene Debs of the Socialist Party, Mother Jones of the United
Mine Workers, DeLeon, Lucy Parsons, anarchist and widow of a
Haymarket martyr, Father Hagerty, who drew up the One Big Union
industrial structure, and William Trautmann from German Brewery
Workers of Milwaukee (who was expelled from that union for his
participation in the IWW convention). Trautmann's and Hagerty's
views were influenced by European anarcho-syndicalism, as were
Haywood's by the revolutionary syndicalism of the French CGT. A
claimed membership of 50,827 was pledged to the IWW. The
professed aim was nothing less than the overthrow of the
capitalist system by and for the working class.
Two months later, after the United Metal Workers brought in 700 of
their claimed 3,000 members, the actual total of union members was
a mere 4,247. There was a magnificent $817.59 in the treasury.
The new union had begun to march on the wrong foot and the AFL
crowed with delight. Within a few years all the founding
organizations had either quit the IWW or had been expelled. By
1910, a low year with only 9,100 dues-paid members, the IWW was
the unruly bastard of the labor movement, ridiculously challenging
the AFL and the Capitalist Class to a battle to the death.
However, the IWW then suddenly burst out with an amazing explosive
force, becoming a mass movement in the US, Canada, Australia, and
Chile, and leaving a fiery mark on labour in South Africa,
Argentina, Mexico, Peru, Great Britain and the world maritime
industry.
The reasons for this sudden expansion lay at the very root of the
economic crisis underlying capitalist society in the years
immediately prior to the First World War. To begin with,
organized labour, divided as it was into squabbling craft unions,
was in a pitiful state, unable to effect even the most innocuous
reforms. The larger mass of unorganized and chronically
under-employed workers lived in appalling misery as it reeled from
a capitalist "boom and bust" cycle of high speculation followed by
crushing depression every five or ten years.
Yet despite this seemingly tremendous weakness of the working
class, many unionists had already recognized the great power
inherent in the vast industrial monopolies which the
ever-shrinking number of super-industrialists themselves scarcely
knew how to handle. That a working class already trained in the
operating of these industries might continue to do so in the
enforced absence of the capitalist owners was a matter of
new-found faith and high expectations. At this particular moment,
it was precisely the IWW which gave not only voice to these hopes
and desires, but also offered the first INDUSTRIAL strategy to
effect that transference of power.
The IWW, cutting across all craft lines, organized workers into
industrial unions -- so that no matter the task, all workers in
one industry belonged to one industrial union. These industrial
unions formed the component parts of six industrial departments:
1-Agriculture, Land, Fisheries and Water Products, 2-Mining,
3-Construction, 4-Manufacturing and General Production,
5-Transportation and Communication, and 6-Public Service. The
industrial departments made up the IWW as a whole; yet although
functioning independently, they were bridged by the rank and file
power of the total general membership to vote on all union general
policy and the election of all officers of the General
Administration coordinating the industrial departments.
The IWW was characterized by a syndicalist reliance on the job
branch at the shop floor level; a strong distrust of labour
bureaucrats and leftist politicians; an emphasis on direct action
and the propaganda of the deed. Above all, Wobblies believed in
the invincibility of the General Strike, which to them meant
nothing less than the ultimate lock-out of the capitalist class.
They wrapped their theory and practise with a loose blanket of
Marxist economic analysis and called for the abolition of the wage
system.
The IWW pioneered the on the job strike, mass sit-downs, and the
organization of unemployed, migrant, and immigrant working people.
It captured the public imagination with free speech fights,
gigantic labour pageants, and the most suicidal bluster
imaginable. Its permanent features were an army of roving
agitator-organizers on land and sea, little red song books, boxcar
delegates, singing recruiters.”
“Linking Factories to the Malls, Middleman Pushes Low Costs
Published: August 7, 2013
Li & Fung — the most important company that most American shoppers have never heard of — has long been on the cutting edge of globalization, chasing cheap labor to garment factories first in China, then elsewhere in Asia, including Bangladesh.
Now, with sweatshop disasters there drawing international scrutiny, the business is looking for the next best place — perhaps South America or sub-Saharan Africa — where it can steer apparel buyers seeking workers to stitch clothing together for a few dollars a day.
As the world’s largest sourcing and logistics company, Li & Fung plays matchmaker between poor countries’ factories and affluent countries’ vendors, finding the lowest-cost workers, haggling over prices and handling the logistics for roughly a third of the retailers found in the typical American shopping mall, including Sears, Macy’s, JCPenney and Kohl’s.
Based in Hong Kong, the merchandiser owns no clothing factories, no sewing machines and no fabric mills. Its chief asset is the 15,000 suppliers in over 60 countries that make up a network so sprawling that an order for 500,000 bubble skirts that once took six months from drawing board to store shelf now takes six weeks at a sliver of the price.
That scale gives Li & Fung tremendous clout. “They are considered the Walmart of purchasing,” said Edward Hertzman, publisher of Sourcing Journal.
But in pioneering and perfecting the global hunt for ways to produce clothing more quickly and cheaply, Li & Fung, which had $20 billion in revenue last year, has been described by critics as the garment industry’s “sweatshop locator.”
“If globalization is a race to the bottom, where lowest wages win,” said Cathy Feingold, director of international affairs for the A.F.L.-C.I.O., “Li & Fung is the sherpa showing companies the fastest route down that slope.”
The business has been tied to labor violations and deadly accidents in several countries. It has also been faulted as failing to properly investigate complaints about conditions at factories, including one in Cambodia where hundreds of workers were sickened, and accused of cheating laborers of wages in Turkey.
In Bangladesh, Li & Fung has been tied to several calamities. It arranged the production of clothing for Kohl’s at one factory where 29 workers died in a fire in 2010. It brokered some work at another in 2011 where more than 50 workers who made Tommy Hilfiger clothing were injured and at least 2 died in an explosion and a stampede.
And last year, Li & Fung was responsible for some garments produced at the Tazreen Fashions factory, when 112 workers died in November in a fire after many of them were ordered to continue working even though alarms had sounded.
Such episodes highlight the often hidden role played by sourcing companies in trying to feed the West’s seemingly insatiable demands for ever cheaper merchandise. Worker advocates say that Li & Fung and others make accountability more difficult by adding a layer of insulation between reputation-conscious retailers and often poorly treated workers, allowing businesses to avoid bad publicity and legal liability when things go wrong.
Sourcing companies face an inherent conflict: they are expected to find low-cost factories for clients, but also to blow the whistle if the factories violate safety standards. Some critics say that the scale of Li & Fung’s operations and the speed at which it shifts production from one site to another give owners less incentive to improve their factories and make it difficult for Li & Fung to deliver on its pledges of carefully vetting its suppliers.
“We make our best effort to weed out bad factories,” said Bruce Rockowitz, chief executive of Li & Fung. “But we don’t always succeed.”
Mr. Rockowitz added that Li & Fung employees conduct rigorous on-site audits — unlike many competitors — to ensure that the company does business only with factories that adhere to safety regulations. In the case of Tazreen, Li & Fung had acquired a new subsidiary that placed orders at the factory, but the changes sought by Li & Fung had not been made 11 weeks later when the fatal fire occurred, a company spokesman said.
By usually relying on long-term relationships with best-in-class suppliers, Mr. Rockowitz said, the company avoids dangerous work sites. Industry consultants agree that the long experience of Li & Fung — it was founded in 1906 during China’s Qing dynasty — helps it ensure compliance with varying local labor standards and say that it tries to be conscientious in its oversight, especially when compared with newer and smaller rivals.
Industry insiders also emphasized its ability to provide savings for consumers. Fred Gehring, the chief executive of Tommy Hilfiger, a client, said Li & Fung had so much buying power that it extracted better deals from factories than his company could if it dealt with them directly.
Asked about his company’s role in depressing wages, Mr. Rockowitz said that the business simply responds to consumer demand for bargains. “We definitely are a part of bringing the prices down, there’s no question about that, because we are arbitraging factories and countries all the time,” he said. “But it has to be a safe factory.”
Retailers turn to Li & Fung because its resources make it uniquely equipped to find the Mexican port that can accept a shipment sooner, to persuade a Chinese fabric maker to cut an extra thousand square feet of silk faster, and to coax a factory in Bangladesh to fill an order more cheaply.
“Little John Waynes,” Li & Fung calls its in-country hagglers, for their cowboy-like independence. Factory owners, though, said the nickname referred more to the company’s take-it-or-leave-it style at the bargaining table.
“They usually get what they ask for,” said Tipu Munshi, the Bangladeshi factory owner of the Sepal Group, which makes jeans and other clothing for Target, Walmart and Kmart.
Li & Fung’s ability to exert pressure on factories can have unfortunate consequences, said Guadalupe Palma, director of Warehouse Workers United, a labor advocacy group. “Every extra penny you squeeze from a factory,” she said, “is a step closer to that factory cutting the kind of corners that lead to deadly disasters.”
Business Challenges
While it has some of the lowest labor costs in the developing world, Bangladesh, with rampant corruption, congested roads and frequent unrest, is a tough place to do business.
Making clothes is also different from mass-producing other goods, like filing cabinets or batteries. Styles change fast. Fabrics react differently when cut in a high-humidity country but worn by customers in an arid one. Factories, which often consist of just sewing machines on tables, can appear and disappear overnight.
“Li & Fung is your insurance policy for when logistics go wrong,” said Mr. Hertzman, of Sourcing Journal.
When a container ship arrives in the United States with a half-million Tweety Bird shirts for Disney stores that look like cheap knockoffs because they are the wrong shade of yellow, it is the sourcing company, not the factory, that will get the unhappy call, he said. When street protests delay a shipment of khakis bound for Gap and the factory says it cannot afford to move the items by air, it is companies like Li & Fung that will have to cover the cost of the plane, he said.
Citing privacy concerns, Li & Fung officials declined to discuss specific clients or details about services. But industry consultants and former employees or partners offered some insight.
Li & Fung and other sourcing companies track harvesting schedules because many factories rely on migrant workers. They watch weather reports to advise drivers which trucks should be outfitted with roof-mounted dinghies for use when roads wash out. In Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, sourcing agents check in daily with political and labor officials who can offer warnings about demonstrations that could shut down production.
They also try to guard against abuses. They send undercover informants into factories to check for blocked fire exits, for example, or arrive early for scheduled factory inspections to check for child labor violations. When retailers are alerted to worker complaints in factories, they often turn to their sourcing companies to investigate. But sourcing companies can have little incentive to highlight problems at plants that they introduced into the supply chain.
In June 2011, for example, more than 280 workers vomited and fainted in a three-day period at the King Fashion Garment Company factory in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, which made dresses and knitted tops for brands including H&M, a former Li & Fung client. The sourcing company investigated and cited a “bad smell” at the factory and malnourishment as likely causes. A Li & Fung spokeswoman added that the business encouraged the plant to upgrade its ventilation and improve wastewater drainage.
Police and medical officials, though, said that exhaustion from overwork was probably to blame, while a United Nations labor agency pointed to the possibility that chemicals used to treat fabrics could be responsible. Li & Fung has continued to do business with the factory.
In 2007, more than a dozen garment workers at the PT. Mulia Knitting Factory in Jakarta, Indonesia, who were making clothes for Polo Ralph Lauren and Tommy Hilfiger were fired, allegedly for trying to form a union — the kind of dismissal that violates Indonesian law. Li & Fung investigated and did not find any violations of workers’ rights, a spokeswoman said.
But labor advocates found that Li & Fung did not interview any of the dismissed workers and conducted all employee interviews in the factory, often with managers present. In explaining why it would not sever ties to the factory or push for reforms, Tommy Hilfiger cited the Li & Fung findings.
“Li & Fung claims to be monitoring factory conditions, but they don’t publicly release their investigation reports or even the full list of the factories they use, so it’s impossible for independent organizations to assess the effectiveness of their monitoring,” said Tim Connor, a former labor rights advocacy coordinator for Oxfam.
Balking at an Accord
To help prevent future catastrophes, worker advocates have recently promoted an international accord that sets mandatory safety standards for garment factories. Most American retailers have not signed the agreement, citing liability concerns, especially since they cannot guarantee that their subcontractors or sourcing companies will follow the rules.
Li & Fung and other sourcing companies have also balked, saying they cannot make that decision on behalf of their clients, the retailers.
In April, a dozen retailers gathered in Geneva to discuss how much to pay into a fund for families of the dead Tazreen workers. Though there was evidence that some of the clothing made at the factory was destined for Walmart, Sears and Disney, the three companies refused to pay into the fund. But Li & Fung, which had played a role in brokering some of the contracts for work at Tazreen, agreed to pay injured workers and the families of those killed roughly $1,200 each.
“Part of what Li & Fung sells” to retailers “is the right not to attend these meetings or pay into these compensation funds when people die,” said Suri Gurumurthi, a business school professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
In the meantime, Mr. Rockowitz said his company was considering South America and sub-Saharan Africa as possible places for growth.
“But I wouldn’t write Bangladesh off” because of the recent factory disasters, he said. It still has some of the cheapest labor in the world, he pointed out. For factories to get safer, clothing prices would have to go up, he said.
“So far,” he added, “consumers have just not been willing to accept higher costs.””
“Kenya widens mall attack probe, alert for UK 'White Widow'
By James Macharia and Matthew Mpoke Bigg
NAIROBI | Thu Sep 26, 2013 7:29pm EDT
(Reuters) - Interpol issued a wanted persons alert at Kenya's request on Thursday for a British woman who has been cited by British police as a possible suspect in the attack on a Nairobi shopping mall that killed at least 72 people.
The alert was issued as Kenyan police broadened the investigation into the weekend raid claimed by the al Qaeda-aligned Somali al Shabaab group, the worst such assault since the U.S. Embassy was bombed in the capital by al Qaeda in 1998.
Kenya said that it requested the so-called "red alert" notice for Samantha Lewthwaite, 29, on Wednesday. Interpol has joined agencies from Britain, the United States, Israel and others in the Kenyan investigation of the wrecked mall.
Lewthwaite, the widow of one of the suicide bombers who attacked London's transport system in 2005, is believed to have evaded arrest two years ago in the port city of Mombasa, where she is wanted in a plot to bomb hotels and restaurants.
Interpol's "red alert" cites that 2011 plot.
"The 'red alert' has nothing to do with Westgate. Her role in this attack is yet to be confirmed, but she is wanted on charges of possession of explosives and conspiracy to commit a felony," Ndegwa Muhoro, director of
Kenya's Criminal Investigation Department, told Reuters early on Thursday.
Muhoro said she is wanted in a case related to another Briton, Jermaine Grant, whom police suspected of having ties to al Shabaab.
Police say Grant was arrested in a December 2011 raid which Lewthwaite escaped. He is on trial in Mombasa, charged with possession of explosives recovered from their apartment, and conspiracy to commit a felony, which he denies.
"We have no facts linking her to Westgate for now. If in the course of investigations these come up, we shall take action. We issued the alert after discovering evidence this month linking her to Grant and she would be charged with him," Muhoro said.
Police in Mombasa, a tourist hub, said they were also tracking four suspected militants after the siege of the swanky Westgate mall, which militants stormed on Saturday armed with assault rifles and grenades.
The mall attack has demonstrated the reach of al Shabaab beyond Somalia, where Kenyan troops have joined other African forces to drive the group out of major urban areas, although it still controls swathes of the countryside.
Al Shabaab stormed the mall to demand Kenya pull its troops out, which President Uhuru Kenyatta has ruled out.
Many details of the four-day siege are unclear, including the identity of the attackers, who officials said numbered about a dozen. Suspicion of Lewthwaite, dubbed the "White Widow" in the British press, was triggered by witness accounts that one of raiders was a white woman.
FORENSIC WORK
But Kenya's government and Western officials have cautioned that they cannot confirm she was involved, or even that there were any women participants in the raid.
The government said five attackers were killed, along with at least 61 civilians and six security personnel.
Eleven suspects have been arrested, but it is not clear if any took part in the attack.
Although the Red Cross lists 71 missing people, the government said it does not expect a big rise in the death toll.
Part of the Westgate mall collapsed in the siege, burying some bodies and hindering investigations, although forensic experts have started work while soldiers search for explosives. Officials said some blasts on Thursday were controlled ones.
"The army are still in there with the forensic teams," said one senior police officer near the mall.
Mombasa police said they were tracking a network of suspects linked to al Shabaab in the coastal region, home to many of Kenya's Muslims, who make up about 10 percent of the nation's 40 million people. Most Kenyans are Christians.
"We have four suspects within Mombasa who we are closely watching. They came back to the country after training in Somalia," country police commander Robert Kitur told Reuters.
Another counterterrorism officer, who asked not to be identified, also said four suspects were being tracked.
DENTED IMAGE
The mall attack has dented Kenya's image as a relatively safe tourist destination, damaging a vital source of revenues. But rating agency Moody's said that, although the attack was "credit negative," it would not affect foreign direct investment or a planned Kenyan Eurobond later this year.
In 1998, al Qaeda bombed the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, killing more than 200 people. Since then, Kenya has faced other smaller attacks, many claimed by al Shabaab, particularly along the border region next to Somalia.
On Thursday, al Shabaab claimed responsibility for killing two police officers in an assault on an administrative post in Mandera county next to Somalia. The border has been closed.
Experts say the insecure border has allowed Kenyan sympathizers of al Shabaab to cross into Somalia for training.
"They are coming back because our armed forces destroyed their training ground there," said Kitur.
The coastal region also has been the target of attacks by a separatist movement, the Mombasa Republican Council, although that group has long denied it has connections with al Shabaab.
(Additional reporting by Duncan Miriri, Richard Lough, Kevin Mwanza and Edmund Blair in Nairobi, Joseph Akwiri in Mombasa, Carolyn Cohn in London and Alexandria Sage in Paris; Writing by Edmund Blair and James Macharia; Editing by Pascal Fletcher, Doina Chiacu)”
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